It was more than fifteen years ago that Marla Ruzicka perished in Iraq. You may not know who she was. To put it simply: she was a heroine. There is no other way to describe her. She did something almost none of us do: she traveled to extremely dangerous, war-ravaged parts of the world that were totally unknown to her, to assist people in need. She did this on her own initiative and without any formal training. And she paid for it with her life.
She should not be forgotten, especially since the organisation she started single-handedly lives on and has grown bigger than she maybe would have thought possible. That is why I decided to re-publish a story I wrote years ago about her. It is in fact an interview with her successor, Sarah Holewinski.
She should not be forgotten, especially since the organisation she started single-handedly lives on and has grown bigger than she maybe would have thought possible. That is why I decided to re-publish a story I wrote years ago about her. It is in fact an interview with her successor, Sarah Holewinski.
Carl Stellweg
The weblog honouring the memory of Marla Ruzicka had been in
existence for more than five years before sergeant William Gable discovered it.
,,I never (...) really looked into it,’’ he writes on 30 May 2010. ,,I was one
of three soldiers who realized that Marla had not died from the car bomb and
quickly put her on to a stretcher and transported her to a hospital (…) the
image of her face will never escape my thoughts. I dream about that day repeatedly
and can still see her look up and (...) say to us "I'm an American."
For some heroes or heroines there’s no happy ending. That
very same day – 16 April 2005 – the
American activist Marla Ruzicka did pass out, at the age of 28, in a hospital
in Baghdad as a victim of a suicide attack aimed not at her, but at a military
convoy.
It is perhaps a sad consolation that she died in harness, on
her way to those attending to a three year old girl whose father and mother had
been killed when an American rocket hit their van. The child escaped, probably
because it was thrown out of the car window by one of the parents just before
the vehicle caught fire.
Ruzicka was the founder and the only person working
full-time for CIVIC (Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict) – to this day
the only organisation in the world lobbying for the interests of civilian
victims in war situations.
In Iraq, at the time, every day hundreds of thousands of
people risked meeting their deaths the same way Marla did. What was special
about her was that everyone in this torn country deeply regretted her death,
whatever side the sympathies were on.
Whether they were Iraqis with a hatred
against the ‘occupying forces’ or those
occupying forces themselves; whether they were cynical journalists, weary aid
workers or suspicious American bureaucrats: Marla had managed to find her way
into all their hearts.
Within two days after the tragic news numerous emotional
in memoriams appeared from journalists who had known her.
,,Of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who have
strutted through Iraq in the last two years - soldiers, bureaucrats,
journalists and businessmen - she always seemed to me the most admirable,” British journalist and Iraq veteran Patrick
Cockburn wrote in The Independent.
And Time journalist Simon Robinson: ,,We didn't know what to
make of Marla Ruzicka. Young, blonde, relentlessly buoyant and sometimes
giggly, she stood out among the tired, cynical hacks and aid workers that
usually populate war zones, so much so that battle-weary journalists nicknamed
her "Bubbles" in the early days. In Kabul and Baghdad (..) Marla was
the life of the party. She would rent a house for a day, arrange food and drink
(…) inviting us to a celebration that
sometimes ended with a display of her enviable salsa-dancing skills.’’
However, as the Time journalist adds, behind her exterior of
surf girl and her taste for parties there was a ‘fearsome determination’ and an
‘astonishing compassion’. Qualities that helped her to extract millions of
dollars of aid money from the American government – and all that without
influential connections or a slick lobbying organisation. CIVIC itself was a
lobbying organisation: albeit a totally unique one.
Her achievements were all the more impressive given that in
Iraq records were kept of soldiers killed, but that there were practically no
data regarding numbers and identities of civilians who had fallen victim to
military actions, whether or not intentionally.
Estimates by the British
government were according to their own sources unreliable to such an extent
that the information was ‘unsuitable’ for publication. ‘The methodology for a proper count is
lacking’, as they put it. American
Ministry of Defence figures were classified.
In addition, Washington as well as London took the formalist
point of view that the Geneva
Convention, in which the ‘rules of war’ are laid down, did not oblige them to
record the number of civilian victims of a conflict.
However, there was in Iraq some kind of procedure with
military lawyers judging civilians’ claims for damages. The tenor of this was
that the army was under no obligation whatsoever to compensate, except in cases
of clear-cut war crimes. And lawyers employed by the army obviously saw it
primarily as their task to do all they could to contradict any allegations in
that direction.
And so, not a penny was paid to the relatives of a 16-year
old student, shot dead because soldiers mistook his rucksack for a bomb parcel.
A ‘justified act of war’, it was called.
And take those two fishermen on the Tigris who were attacked
from a helicopter, with fatal consequences. Their relatives received 3500
dollars. Not because of their deaths – which, once again, was alleged to be the
result of a ‘justified act of war’ – but because of the loss of the boat, nets
and a mobile phone.
Final example: the woman who on 21 November 2006 lost an eye
because the car in which she was travelling, and which was driven by her
brother, came under fire. The car had to swerve to avoid a bus and as a result
came too close to an American convoy.
The bullet, aimed at the woman’s brother,
penetrated her eye-socket.
Although the American soldiers could see that she
was bleeding heavily and that her eyeball was in her hand, they failed to take
her to the hospital. In the end a lorry driver did, probably saving the woman’s
life. She turned out not to be eligible for compensation.
It might be disingenuous to fit Marla Ruzicka out with wings
and put her on a cloud in the hereafter, with a nice view of the earthly mess.
But that would make her see that the end of her life did not signify the end of
her organisation.
The Center for Civilians in Conflict as CIVIC is now called,
is active not only in Iraq and Afghanistan, but also in Lybia, Mali, Pakistan,
Somalia, and Syria. Right now its staff numbers eleven people (including three
interns). Apart from that, a large number of advisors and field workers is
involved with the Center for Civilians in Conflict.
The organisation’s leadership is currently in the hands of
Sarah Holewinski (35).
Formerly working for Human Rights Watch, she came into contact with Marla Ruzicka when the human rights organisation provided her with an office. Soon Sarah became involved with Marla’s work, but the two were not allowed enough time to get to know each other well.
Formerly working for Human Rights Watch, she came into contact with Marla Ruzicka when the human rights organisation provided her with an office. Soon Sarah became involved with Marla’s work, but the two were not allowed enough time to get to know each other well.
Sarah had no choice but to take control after Marla had been
killed. And that was no easy task. ,,Marla was a phenomenon. What was CIVIC
without her? Every colleague was deeply depressed by her death. With a great
deal of effort we managed to resume work. Backing out was not an option,
because we were the only organisation of its kind. We realised that we filled a
gap, and therefore we felt that we should not give up.”
This was a reason for continuing that the CIVIC workers
could cling to. Perhaps they also found encouragement in the fact that Marla’s
philosophy had borne fruit. She owed her success not only to her idealism and
her disarming ways. She had also been extremely pragmatic, which was quite
remarkable for someone who had moved in uncompromising left-wing activist
circles from the time she was fifteen, and who had once loudly interrupted a
speech by Jeffrey Skilling, the leader of the fraudulent energy supplier Enron
(recorded in the 2005 documentary Enron: The Smartest Guys in the Room).
,,By and by Marla came to understand that she could achieve
more by not antagonising her opponents,’’
Holewinski says. ,,She switched the focus from guilt to responsibility.
She did not try to end wars, because she knew that that was impossible. It was
however possible to do something about the suffering of innocent civilian
victims, and that’s what she focused on. ”
Marla’s spirit lives on in the pragmatic course that the
organisation kept following. A course that also entails restrictions. Sarah
Holewinski makes an essential distinction between warring parties operating
within the framework of international law and those operating outside it. CIVIC
only deals with the first category.
,,We can do nothing in Congo, where the killing, wounding
and deprivation of civilians is happening deliberately, as a war strategy. For
the same reason we will not get involved with the Taliban. War crimes must be
tried, which is a separate issue. We negotiate with parties that inflict
suffering on civilians without intending to do so – parties that recognise
international law, in which it is laid down that civilians should be spared. ”
The problem in respect of this latter principle is that it
is non-committal: there will always be civilian victims in armed
conflicts. People who find themselves
near a military target at the wrong moment are often done for. This will
invariably be the case in tomorrow’s wars. And there will be nothing to oblige
warring parties to offer assistance or to pay damages.
Holewinksi: ,,We find this situation unacceptable. Everyone
should. But that is not our only argument in our talks with military
representatives. We also point out to them that it is directly in their
interest not to turn civilians into enemies. Of course they are already aware
of this: the famous doctrine of winning hearts and minds. The only thing is
that they should not apply this doctrine whenever it suits them, but in all
circumstances. In the end this will always be advantageous to all parties
concerned. A third argument is that reconstruction after a war is more likely
to be successful after wounds have healed. A compensation system for damages
can function as a basis for stability.”
What has the Center for Civilians in Conflict achieved in
the course of the years? There is a Marla Ruzicka Fund for iraqi war victims,
to which American Congress has paid tens of millions of dollars. ISAF, the
security mission in Afghanistan in which more than 40 countries participate,
has adopted mutual guidelines for compensating victims. On top of that,
numerous programmes have been set up to instruct soldiers to show more concern
in their contacts with civilians.
Here again the problem is that these guidelines are
non-committal. They are not institutionalised. ,,That should be the next
step,’’ Holewinski says. ,,Parties should truly commit themselves to pay
damages. It should be unthinkable to inflict suffering on civilians and then
just leave them to it, with the excuse that you did not mean it like that.”
And there are new challenges, as Holewinski explains in an interview with Foreign Affairs Magazine. ‘The United States are now
transitioning from massive ground forces in a place, to counterrorism
operations. That means: special forces, drones, and partnering with local
forces. Special forces don’t have a good track record when it comes to abiding
to the practices we want to see. And they will certainly not go back to
compensate. Most of them don’t want to be known to have been there in the first
place. Local forces are not being trained in civilian protection, at least not
in a robust manner. And as far as drones are concerned: because there are no
ground forces, we cannot address the harm they do.”
What drives the eloquent, dynamic Holewinski, who flies all
over the place – to Somalia one week, to the States the next and to Kenya the
week after – to do this work?
,,I see it as a great privilege,’’ she says
firmly. ,,Listen, there are many fantastic organisations helping people
directly, on the spot. But we are doing something different: we are trying to
bring about a change of policy, through which we can improve the lives of
millions of people. Simply by changing the rules. Every day, the idea that this
can actually happen gives me a very urgent reason to get up.’’
Does Holewinski, finally, have any idea as to what moved her
predecessor to take such enormous risks? ,,She saw what her own country was
doing to civilians. That touched her, I think. She did not want to be ashamed
of her nationality and that’s why she came into action. She took her responsibility. Perhaps she
didn’t realise that what the United States are doing is happening all over the
world.”
Then was it perhaps from a feeling of wounded patriotism
that Marla Ruzicka, in her last moments, and with all the strength left within
her, spoke the words ‘I’m an American’
to sergeant William Gable? In order to account for her actions once more?
No one will ever know. Marla was a heroine pur sang, so she should be an angel
now. And angels enjoy the privilege of remaining silent.
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